After having given $7.3 million to
projects organized by the radical leftist ACORN, the
American bishops are fretting over how Father Pavone is
using funds raised by Priests for Life?
Father Pavone
(www.RemnantNewspaper.com)
When I am not writing for the Remnant I am litigating
for the civil rights of Catholics, especially pro-life
advocates, in state and federal courts around the
country. Much of the litigation conducted by members of
the pro-life bar proceeds under 42 U.S.C. §1983, a
federal statute that provides remedies for the
deprivation of federal constitutional rights by
municipalities and police officers that are treating
pro-life advocates today in much the same way that black
Americans were treated in the South until the 1960s. In
fact, §1983 is derived in part from the Civil Rights Act
of 1871, enacted to combat the activities of the Ku Klux
Klan. Like so many of the federal interventions during
the Radical Reconstruction period following the Civil
War, the Act was the result of what Samuel Eliot Morison
called “a combination of Southern folly and Radical
malevolence.” Yet today, the statutory descendant of the
Act is a powerful tool in the hands of pro-life
attorneys.
One reason §1983 is so important is that it safeguards
the right to engage in the only activity that has a
chance of producing social change in the face of
entrenched majority sentiment to the contrary: street
activism. Consider the famous case of Rosa Parks. On
December 1, 1955, Parks was riding Bus No. 2857 of the
Montgomery Alabama transportation system when she
refused to relinquish her seat in favor of a white
passenger. She had done so many times before under a
system of segregation so ludicrously racist that when
the front of a bus was occupied by whites, blacks had to
pay their fare at the front door and then enter through
the rear door to avoid passing through the white section
on their way to the back, where they “belonged.”
Whites-only sections on buses and trains was only one of
innumerable elements of a longstanding regime of Jim
Crow laws by which embittered, Calvinist Protestant
diehards of the post-Civil War South had attempted to
preserve a twisted version of their “way of life.”
But on this day Rosa Parks had had enough. Her arrest
and trial sparked an astonishingly successful black
boycott of the Montgomery bus system, whose passengers
were overwhelmingly black. For more than a year, private
cars, car pools, and black taxi drivers charging minimal
fares all but eliminated black passengers on the
Montgomery buses. In one of many idiotic moves by
Montgomery law enforcement, the police arrested a young
Martin Luther King and scores of others for “conspiring
to boycott” by organizing car pools, thus turning them
into instant martyrs for the cause. The Montgomery Bus
Boycott ended when the Supreme Court, in Browder v.
Gayle (1956), affirmed a district court decision
declaring segregation on public buses unconstitutional
under the Fourteenth Amendment.
Thanks to the bigotry, stiff-necked pride and sheer
stupidity of politicians, what should have been settled
as matter of local law and simple Christian decency had
become a national cause célèbre. Having won its first
major victory, an energized civil rights movement would
launch the careers of King and a thousand demagogic
descendants, many of whom still agitate today. Marching
and demonstrating in cities throughout the South, the
movement led by King—a Baptist minister who achieved
sainted status despite marital infidelities and a
plagiarized doctoral thesis—achieved ultimate victory
eight years later with massive federal intervention by
way of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Thus did street
activism led by Protestant clergy change the political
landscape of America.
Nine years after the Supreme Court recognized what any
fool should have recognized without judicial
intervention—that skin color ought not to determine
access to the public facilities citizens of all colors
pay for—the same Court violated the most fundamental
right of any citizen: the right to life. During the
thirty-eight years that have elapsed since Roe v.
Wade (1973), a new civil rights movement has emerged
in America. But this movement has not attained any
victory even approaching that represented by the Civil
Rights Act of 1964. We members of the pro-life bar are
engaged in a holding action, fighting to keep from
losing ground in a battle that is not gaining any new
territory.
Why? For one thing, Roe merely purported to find
a constitutional right to do what a majority of the
states, including at least five in the South—Alabama,
Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina and Texas—had
already legalized to some extent before Roe.
Even the Texas statute struck down in Roe allowed
for “an abortion procured or attempted by medical advice
for the purpose of saving the life of the mother.” The
“sovereign will of the people” has since legalized
abortion in every state in the Union, the only issue
being exactly which circumstances will be held to
justify murder in the womb. The child in the womb is
now subjected to a form of discrimination before which
racial discrimination pales in comparison: throughout
America the womb is now a ghetto whose occupants may be
murdered at the whim of the electorate.
Hence to the extent that it declares that abortion is
simply murder and must be prohibited as such without
exception, the pro-life civil rights movement squarely
opposes, not only Roe, but the will of America’s
sacred majority. Abortion is not, and never was, a
sectional issue involving local stupidities on which the
rest of the nation could readily look down with
contempt. Abortion is, more or less, what the whole
stupid nation wants—the same stupid nation whose latest
Top 20 country music hit, by a wildly successful band
from Georgia, offers this rationale for war in Iraq and
Afghanistan: “May
freedom forever fly/Let it ring/Salute the ones who
died/The ones that give their lives/So we don’t have to
sacrifice/All the things we love/Like our chicken
fried/And cold beer on a Friday night/A pair of jeans
that fit just right/And the radio up...”
A nation whose predominantly Protestant popular majority
can be persuaded that it makes sense to bomb Arab
nations in order to protect fried chicken, cold beer and
blue jeans made in China needs more than another civil
rights movement led by Protestant ministers to save it
from final disaster. It needs what the former Marxist
and renowned historian of the antebellum South, Eugene
Genovese, identified to
a Protestant audience at Calvin College
after his return to the Faith: “the one true, holy,
Catholic, and apostolic Church.”
Legalized abortion and “gay marriage” represent the
bottom of that “declivity to utter barbarism” which
Orestes Brownson, writing just after the Civil War,
projected for America’s combination of Protestantism and
democracy. Fifteen years before the War, in an essay
entitled
“Catholicity Necessary to Sustain Popular Liberty”
(1845), written only a year after his own conversion to
the Faith, Brownson observed that “the Constitution is a
dead letter… it has been becoming in practice, and is
now, substantially, a pure democracy, with no effective
constitution but the will of the majority…” Only
religion could save America
from majoritarian tyranny. Yet the Protestant
religion could not save America, he argued,
because Protestantism, “like democracy itself, is
subject to the control of the people, and must command
and teach what they say…” Hence, he continued:
The holding of slaves is compatible with Christian
character south of a geographical line, and incompatible
north; and Christian morals change according to the
prejudices, interests, or habits of the people, - as
evidenced by the recent divisions in our own country
among the Baptists and Methodists. The Unitarians of
Savannah refuse to hear a preacher accredited by
Unitarians of Boston…. The Protestant sect governs its
religion, instead of being governed by it. If one sect
pursues, by the influence of its chiefs, a policy in
opposition to the passions and interests of its members,
or any portion of them, the disaffected, if a majority,
change its policy; if too few or too weak to do that,
they leave it an join some other sect, or form a new
sect.
Answering the charge that he would place religion in
America
under the dominion of the Pope, Brownson turned that
very charge into the proof of his argument: “this is
good proof of our position, that Protestantism cannot
govern the people, —for they govern it,—and
therefore that Protestantism is not the religion wanted;
for it is precisely a religion that can and will govern
the people and be their master, that we need.” Of
course, only one Church fits that description; only one
is headed by a figure whose authority—spiritual, not
political, Brownson stressed—is accepted as final and
binding by the faith of its members. “The Roman Catholic
religion, then,” he concluded, “is necessary to sustain
popular liberty, because popular liberty can be
sustained only by a religion free from popular control,
above the people, speaking from above and able to
command them,—and such a religion is the Roman
Catholic.”
And today it is only the Roman Catholic religion that
has the power to halt America’s slide down the declivity
to barbarism. It is no coincidence that the pro-life
movement is overwhelmingly Catholic. Which brings me to
Priests for Life and the travails of its national
director, Father Frank Pavone.
As Remnant readers probably already know, Father
Pavone’s bishop, Patrick Zurek of the Diocese of
Amarillo, Texas, has issued an administrative decree
“suspend[ing] Father Frank A. Pavone from public
ministry outside the Diocese of Amarillo.” In a
letter dated September 9, which he sent to the
entire American episcopate to justify his decision in
the court of public opinion, Zurek reveals his real
intention: to destroy Father Pavone’s reputation and
sink Priests for Life. Professing a desire to
“strengthen Father Pavone’s sense of communicatio
sacramentalis,” Zurek combines vicious public
insults with outright calumny.
First of all, Zurek expresses “deep concerns regarding
his [Father Pavone’s] stewardship of the finances of the
Priest For Life”—thus suggesting grave financial
impropriety without a scintilla of evidence. He alleges
“incorrigible defiance to my legitimate authority as his
Bishop,” but fails to provide any examples of this
defiance. Rather, he reveals to his fellow bishops a
personal animus clearly engendered by Father Pavone’s
international reputation: “his fame has caused him to
see priestly obedience as an inconvenience to his unique
status... inflated his ego with a sense of
self-importance and self-determination.” How so? Father
Pavone has given him “the impression that I cannot
invoke obedience with him because he is famous.”
Examples? What specifically has Father Pavone
done to justify Zurek’s accusation of disobedience?
Since Zurek saw fit to air the controversy in a letter
to every bishop in the United States, knowing that
letter would be published to the whole world, it was
incumbent upon him to state the grounds for his action.
Instead, he expresses indignation without substance.
The letter is little more than a public hissy fit.
But in the lowest blow of all—again, without the least
evidence of financial impropriety—Zurek suggests to all
the Bishops in America that they direct the faithful to
withhold their donations to Priests for Life: “If you
judged it to be prudent, I would like to ask that you
would inform the Christian faithful under your care to
consider withholding donations to the PFL until the
issues and concerns are settled.” This is nothing but a
naked attempt to cripple the organization.
In his letter to the American Bishops of September 12,
Father Pavone defends himself against Bishop Zurek’s
public accusations of September 9. The reply is
devastating. For one thing, it shows that Bishop Zurek
has absolutely no jurisdiction over Priests for Life, a
nonprofit, federally tax-exempt civil corporation of the
State of New York, headquartered on Staten Island, with
an independent Board of Directors, including other
priests, 55 employees in the United States, and
affiliated U.S. organizations and branches overseas with
other directors and employees. Not one of these people
owes any duty of obedience to an angry prelate in
Amarillo who is trying to destroy their work.
The reply demolishes Bishop Zurek’s false allegation
that Father Pavone has “consistently refused to subject
Priests for Life to a complete and transparent auditing
of all expenses.” Father Pavone, who takes no salary
from the organization, has provided both Bishop Zurek
and the Archbishop of New York, Timothy M. Dolan, with
certified financial audits every year since his
incardination in Amarillo, prepared by an accounting
firm whose clients include numerous federal agencies.
The reply includes a lengthy list of other detailed
financial information Father Pavone has supplied to
Bishop Zurek—far more than nonprofit law requires for
full accountability. Father Pavone notes that he met
with Zurek to discuss the finances of Priests for Life
during Holy Week of this year and that during this
meeting the Bishop indicated that he had no questions
whatsoever—months before Zurek wrote the American
Bishops to allege totally unsubstantiated “deep
concerns” about the organization’s finances.
Clearly, Father Pavone is the victim of a hatchet job.
But, with dreary predictability, that neo-Catholic
schoolmarm of post-conciliar correctness,
Jeff Mirus, has
called upon Father Pavone to “obey” by submitting
quietly to the destruction of his apostolate and the
ruin of his reputation with public innuendos of
financial impropriety and accusations of egomania and
disobedience. “When any of us insists on our own
apostolic work against the judgment of the Church,”
Mirus pontificates, “we squeeze the fire hose of Divine
grace down to a few ineffectual drips. The key is to do
God’s will, not our own. It is a great gift to have
God’s will made clear to us by authority, a gift that
Catholics should be the first to recognize and
treasure.” Whatever a bishop commands is ipso facto
God’s will, and we must blindly obey. This is the
classic neo-Catholic nominalism that has in large
measure contributed to the worst crisis in Church
history. Obedience for its own sake is made into the
very channel of God’s grace; it becomes a theological
virtue. Mirus is brimming with inept amateur theology
of this sort.
As Mirus would have it, Father Pavone must offer no
resistance even if Zurek’s actions are unjust: “Now it
may be that Fr. Pavone will suffer unjustly for taking
this course. As I said, I do not know who is right in
the questions that have been raised. But at least such a
response will release a roaring cataract of grace into
the Church.” A roaring cataract, eh? You mean like the
roaring cataract of grace that followed “obedience” to
the unjust suppression of the traditional Mass and the
destruction of the Roman Rite after Vatican II? I would
like to take a reading of Mirus’s grace-o-meter over the
past forty years to see how many graces the Church
received from the passive acceptance of its
auto-demolition. And what about the scores of innocent
people engaged in the work of Priests for Life? What
about the babies that apostolate saves from abortion?
According to Mirus, Father Pavone must have no concern
for any of these people; his one and only duty is blind
obedience to the irate Bishop of Amarillo.
Of course, if Saint Athanasius had followed Mirus’s
“spiritual advice,” he would have ceased resisting the
spread of the Arian heresy and tamely submitted to his
fraudulent excommunication. Likewise, the entire
traditionalist movement, beginning with Archbishop
Lefebvre, would have “obeyed” the non-existent “command”
to abandon the Church’s own liturgical patrimony,
precisely as Mirus and his fellow schoolmarms did before
Pope Benedict admitted that the traditional Mass had
never been abrogated and was always permitted. Oops.
Bishop Zurek’s power play against Father Pavone is a
prime example of why the pro-life movement has yet to
win a major victory in America: the Bishops are not
behind it. The closest they have come to unity of
action in the public sphere is support for Obama’s
“Dream Act”—a federal gift basket for illegal aliens.
Their chanceries and seminaries riddled with modernists
and homosexuals, the American bishops—of course there
are noble exceptions—have betrayed the greatest civil
rights movement of our time, just as they have betrayed
the defense of Holy Matrimony by their cowardly failure
to offer a serious and united opposition to “same-sex
marriage” initiatives. How is it that their demands for
“obedience” so rarely advance the cause of Gospel, but
so often advance the Church’s surrender to modernity?
Yet the power of the Catholic episcopacy is not entirely
dormant elsewhere. In 2008
one Catholic commentator noted
the “seemingly miraculous transformation” of the
Brazilian hierarchy, producing a “pro-life Pentecost”
that has led the Brazilian bishops to adopt strategies
that “are a lesson to the whole Catholic world,”
including the direct confrontation of “pro-choice
politicians,” the excommunication of doctors performing
abortions, and a massive educational campaign depicting
abortion procedures in graphic detail, with the result
that “Brazilian lay Catholics are horrified by what
they see, and are inspired to act against abortion.” The
Brazilian bishops’ goal is not only to “stop new
anti-life legislation, but to eliminate all exceptions
in Brazil’s penal code regarding abortion.”
The same commentator asks: “What effect would such an
approach have if all of the Catholic bishops of the
world were to imitate the Brazilian bishops, and declare
war on abortion, euthanasia, and other offenses against
human life?” While the American population is only
twenty-five percent Catholic, he notes, “[i]f this
‘sleeping giant’ were to awaken, galvanized by clear
preaching and educational campaigns that clearly reveal
the crime of abortion, how could any political party
stand against it?” How indeed?
But it is precisely that kind of episcopal witness that
is lacking in America. If our bishops would not only
stand behind the pro-life movement and organizations
like Father Pavone’s, but also lead the
movement—especially its vital street activism—and
declare a holy war (not a shooting war) on the
abominable crime of abortion, legalized abortion would
have no more chance of survival in this country than the
rule that black people must ride in the back of the bus.
As Father Pavone rightly observes in his reply to Bishop
Zurek’s blatant attempt to scuttle Priests for Life:
“[I]t is impossible for me to believe that there would
be no place in the Church for priests to exercise
full-time ministry in the service of the unborn. We do
it for the sick, the poor, the hungry, and the
imprisoned. But where in the Church is the place where
a priest can exercise the same kind of full-time
ministry for the children in the womb?”
As the blood of millions of murdered unborn children
cries out to heaven for vengeance, that is a question
the Bishops must answer. That racial discrimination
respecting public facilities has been eradicated while
the abortion holocaust continues in every one of the
fifty states is an immense scandal the Bishops have it
in their power to rectify. That is something Bishop
Zurek ought to consider as he ponders his next move in
the Father Pavone affair. Perhaps the Bishop’s interest
in obedience might better be directed toward the higher
law Father Pavone’s apostolate is defending so
vigorously while the American hierarchy dutifully lines
up behind President Obama’s plan to buy himself more
votes. |